Kindly enough to provide a rave quote for the Play Ethic book, the innovation expert Charles Leadbeater is always worth reading. His latest publication, sponsored by Nesta and trailed in the Spectator last year, suggests that the best way to cope with the recession is to "attack" it with innovation - not just technological, but social and in terms of business models too. His paper contains a fistful of proposals - to do with regional policy, the general encouragement of enterpreneurship, and the application of the web's spirit of collaboration to public services - that politicians will doubtless be poring over.
But he hits on a point about this recession that's been nagging at me for a while. Yes, the spectacle of an untethered finance capitalism, and its blithely globalist managers, has scared and disgusted many. But we have to be careful not to allow public debate to swing to the other extreme - a kind of "protect your own" defensiveness that allows the odious phrase "British jobs for British workers" (surely Gordon Brown's greatest moment of political shame) to adorn the placards of striking workers.
I remember writing at the end of the Play Ethic book in 2004, while musing on another systemic calamity (9/11), that it was hard to think of a pluralist, tolerant Britain - a nation which could produce profoundly playful classics like Bend It Like Beckham, The Kumars at Number Ten or White Teeth - harbouring any kind of extremism based on cultural identity. After 7/7, my hopes were severely dented.
Yet as anyone working in the field of social and community cohesion in the UK will tell you, at the ground level Britons - whether native, second generation or recent immigrant - are always trying to figure out how to get along with each other, whether in schools, marketplaces, firms, public spaces. As Richard Sennett has eloquently written, social respect often comes from propinquity - people of all identities and ethnicities having to rub along together in urban and suburban environments, in the 'street and the office', and eventually rubbing off on each other.
Yet I sometimes worry that we critics and consultants under-value these daily networks of 'rough' community (which the social work academic Bill Jordan has briliantly described), and over-value the scintillating networks of the web and social media. Does contact with and literacy in the web necessarily transform its users, no matter how impoverished and embattled their identities, into benign, creative cosmpolitans? I'm really not so sure.
Of course I react excitedly to passages like this from Leadbeater:
Networks will also be critical for individuals. This is the first
downturn we have faced with the web woven into our lives. A recession
will be a boon for the web’s pro-am, do-it-yourself ethic. Professional
social networks such as Linked In may come into their own as
out-of-work people look for jobs. There may be more Popbitch and less
Heat magazine; more use of free, open-source software than expensive
offerings from Microsoft; more recycling of secondhand goods through
eBay and freecycling schemes; more sharing of resources like cars
through websites like GoLoco and Liftsharing. The collaborative,
low-cost organisational models the web allows will come into their own;
high-cost industrial-era models will suffer.
But although his Nesta paper is much more painstaking about how to ensure that those who've lost their jobs are not necessarily disconnected from employment networks, I still think that Charles reveals the narrowness of the 'culture of innovation' that some of us are steeped in. Less Heat, more Popbitch? That is, less populist magazines, more e-mail newsletters that circulate among cynical media insiders? And it's glib to say that open-source software will start to be preferred over Ballmer's latest bug-laden offering, when many media activists (like Scotland's Simon Yuill) will tell you how difficult it is to build literacy about coding and software in economically-embattled communities.
Leadbeater rightly cites Finland as an example of a country that responded to its Nineties recession by pulling all the national players together, and heading for a ideal as a "internet society". But my impression of Finland, when I went to visit its hacker policy people in the early oughties, was that they were very focussed on mass media literacy in every corner of society. Very non-glitzy, "welfarist" programmes that steady raised the capacities of Finnish society.
Leadbeater is thoroughly aware of the reserves of frustration and anger that will lurk in the hearts of many - particularly those who percieve that the far-off operations of gilded symbolic elites in world cities have caused their factory or retail outlet to close:
...In some places capitalism could get uglier. A severe recession
could provoke an unseemly fight for resources and a generalised
breakdown of trust. That would not usher in a new era of co-operation
but a brutal struggle in which each protects what is his. Those with
money will drive a harder bargain than those without. The state will be
beset by demands it may not be able to meet. In white working-class
communities that gained very little even during the boom years, things
could turn nasty. People already disconnected from mainstream economic
activity and public life, even during the boom, will be further
disconnected. People may not turn en masse to fascism and communism as
they did in the 1930s, but their sense of anger and dispossession will
be more difficult to contain.
Well, maybe. And according to Madeleine Bunting this morning, neither communism nor fascism but a strange new Toryism might be poised to benefit in the UK - one which reverses the consensus, as its main advocate proposes, that we are "left in social values, and right in economic values, when it should be exactly the other way around". There's so much incoherence and flim-flammery in the Cameron project, as I've written before, that we can ignore it for the sake of this discussion (even though Leadbeater, and his old think-tank Demos, are flirting deeply with the dark side).
But I think there is still a political opportunity - which the Compass end of the Labour Party has consistently addressed - to evoke a rich vision of the "quality of life" for ordinary British citizens. A vision which neither excludes others in order to "defend its way of life" - nor too readily imposes a blithe, business-lounge cosmpolitanism on those who are perhaps too injured and depleted to respond.
Can the culture of 'networks' really sustain that better vision? I agree with Leadbeater, and his book We-Think, that social media does seems to conjure up a culture that delivers both the consolations of community, and the flexibilty of network living. I was happy to give some Scottish leads last week to people from the Social Innovation Camp, whose aim is to try and connect technical geeks with social need. Finding a language that might profitably unite a young hacker with an under-employed tradesman, or unemployed shopworker, is worth attempting. Yet the challenge shouldn't be underestimated.
I love my socio-technical communities, their intertwined ethos of play and care, as much as anyone does. But I am wary of them being used too arrogantly as a social template - to speedily recast recession-battered ex-workers as New Model Mass Innovators. Deaf ears may be the least worst of the consequences.
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